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Border Walls, Necrocitizenship, and the Security State: Global Insecurities

Alex Foster

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Published in Fencing In Democracy: Border Walls Necrocitizenship And The Security State (Global Insecurities)

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In the wake of the 9/11 attacks, the United States and its allies embarked on a global "war on terror" that has had far-reaching consequences for the world. One of the most visible manifestations of this war has been the construction of border walls and fences, which have proliferated around the world in recent years.

Fencing in Democracy: Border Walls, Necrocitizenship, and the Security State (Global Insecurities)

by Miguel Díaz-Barriga

4.8 out of 5

Language	:	English
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Print length	:	200 pages

Border walls are often justified in the name of national security. They are said to deter illegal immigration, prevent terrorism, and control the flow of drugs and weapons. However, critics argue that border walls are ultimately counterproductive and harmful. They can lead to increased human suffering, environmental damage, and economic inequality.

This article explores the relationship between border walls, necrocitizenship, and the security state in the context of global insecurities. It argues that border walls are not simply physical barriers, but also symbolic and ideological constructs that reinforce the necropolitical logics of the security state and contribute to the production of necrocitizenship.

Necrocitizenship

Necrocitizenship is a term coined by the political philosopher Achille Mbembe to describe the condition of those who are subjected to the sovereign power of the state but are denied the rights and protections that come with citizenship. Necrocitizens are often stateless people, refugees, asylum seekers, or undocumented immigrants.

Necrocitizens are not simply excluded from the political community, but are actively subjected to violence and death. They are often detained in inhumane conditions, denied access to basic services, and deported to dangerous and unstable countries.

Border walls are a key part of the necropolitical apparatus of the security state. They physically and symbolically exclude necrocitizens from the realm of the living and relegate them to a state of exception where they are subjected to violence and death.

The Security State

The security state is a form of government that prioritizes security over all other concerns. It is characterized by a vast and powerful surveillance apparatus, a militarized police force, and a rhetoric of fear and insecurity.

The security state is not simply a response to terrorism, but is also a way of managing and controlling populations. It is used to suppress dissent, criminalize poverty, and justify the use of violence against those who are deemed to be a threat.

Border walls are a key tool of the security state. They are used to control the movement of people and goods, and to create a sense of fear and insecurity among the population.

Global Insecurities

The proliferation of border walls around the world is a symptom of the global insecurities that have been produced by the war on terror and other global crises. These insecurities include:

The fear of terrorism
The threat of climate change
The rise of global inequality
The erosion of democracy and human rights

These insecurities have led to a loss of faith in the traditional institutions of the state and a turn towards authoritarianism and populism.

Border walls are a symptom of the global insecurities that have been produced by the war on terror and other global crises. They are not simply physical barriers, but also symbolic and ideological constructs that reinforce the necropolitical logics of the security state and contribute to the production of necrocitizenship.

The construction of border walls is counterproductive and harmful. It does not make us safer, but it does make us more insecure. It is time to reject the politics of fear and insecurity, and to build a more just and equitable world.

Fencing in Democracy: Border Walls, Necrocitizenship, and the Security State (Global Insecurities)

by Miguel Díaz-Barriga

4.8 out of 5